These were the deadliest Israeli attacks in years, which claimed the lives of at least nine Palestinians in the Jenin camp, followed by an attack by a Palestinian on an Israeli synagogue in Jerusalem, which resulted in the deaths of seven Israelis. In a reflection of the extent to which the circle of violence is entrenched in the Holy Land, it became clear that the perpetrator of the attack on the Israeli synagogue, his grandfather was killed 25 years ago by a fanatic Jew, and the ideological companions of these fanatics have become within the ruling authority in Israel.
Upon US Secretary of State Tony Blinken’s arrival in Israel, he called for “urgent steps to restore calm” between Israelis and Palestinians. But these entreaties may not go far. Blinken’s visit to Israel and the West Bank and his meeting with the Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu, and later with the Palestinian President, Mahmoud Abbas, come at difficult moments, as tension is high between Israelis and Palestinians, after the increase in attacks by Jewish settlers in the West Bank, and incursions. carried out by the Israeli security forces against the Palestinians, in addition to the attacks carried out by the Palestinian militants. There is turmoil, too, within the Israeli political system, given that the ruling coalition is made up of far-right groups, who are in the Israeli government, and are bent on changing the political system in the country, a step that observers fear will lead to the destruction of Israeli democracy and pave the way for more Stripping the Palestinians of their property and rights.
Netanyahu’s return to power
It seems that there is not much friendship between Netanyahu and US President Joe Biden, despite the latter’s always supportive stance towards Israel. The Biden administration had hoped that the coalition that preceded Netanyahu in Israel would be able to consolidate itself and reduce the degree of tension in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which is considered the most intractable in the Middle East. But that coalition collapsed, and Netanyahu returned to power after elections last November that brought about the most radical government in Israel’s history.
In a joint press conference with Netanyahu, Blinken alluded to the issue of changing the judicial system, as well as to the vitality of civil society in Israel. But Netanyahu quickly responded to him, saying, “We share the same common interests with you, as well as common values as well,” and added, “And I assure you that we will remain two strong democratic systems.” In addition, US and Israeli officials are working to remove obstacles for Israeli citizens to be able to travel to the US without a visa.
dead peace process
Much less clear, however, is what the Biden administration can do to revive the dead peace process between Israel and the Palestinians and provide any substance to the US insistence that it believes in the two-state solution, which is the creation of an independent Palestinian state. The current Israeli government is the product of a long-time rightward shift in the country’s politics, to the point where ultra-Orthodox Jews came to power, actively oppose the existence of any Palestinian state, and push for racist anti-Arab policies in ministerial positions.
Meanwhile, the increasingly unpopular Palestinian Authority, led by Abbas, is losing its authority over the West Bank, which many Palestinians now see as a partner to the Israeli occupation. For many years the status quo, in which millions of Palestinians have fewer rights than their Israeli neighbors, has been acceptable to both the United States and Israel, which maintains de facto control of the West Bank while Washington protects it in international forums. Thus, the two-state solution became in the news.
The administration of former President Donald Trump has always based its policy on the Palestinian-Israeli conflict on what the Jewish settler movement taught it what to do for peace in the Middle East, as this movement was promoting a vision of peace that did not include the establishment of a Palestinian state, and the Palestinians themselves took They focus on their lack of rights, not on establishing a Palestinian state.
stronger speech
Of course, no one has heard of Blinken’s deep concerns, and Palestinian activists and analysts do not see the United States as a bona fide mediator between the two sides. Blinken did not call for “an end to the Israeli occupation and settlement in the Palestinian territories, nor did he condemn the extremist government’s political maneuvers.” And the Palestinian political analyst, Yara Hawari, told me, “For the Palestinians, Blinken’s visit is of no importance. We do not expect anything important from the US administration, which is Israel’s strongest ally.
Some Israelis expected to hear stronger rhetoric from Blinken and his colleagues, and messages touching on the current reality. “There is a sense that Washington is still in the mood for the past year,” says Nimrod Novik, a former senior adviser to former prime minister Shimon Peres. Any mixture of expressions of concern with expectations of the need to take care of the issue once or twice a year, when the firefighters are called, and this is not sufficient given the nature of the conditions in Israel,” Novick added, “but the widening pace of change that threatens Israeli democracy, our security and the stability of the region, requires Stronger brake application.” But in a time of crisis, it’s hard to imagine a Biden administration spending significant amounts of political capital on one of the world’s oldest conflicts.
• It seems that there is not much friendliness between Netanyahu and Biden, despite the latter’s always supportive stance towards Israel.
• The Biden administration was hoping that the coalition that preceded Netanyahu in Israel would be able to consolidate itself and reduce the level of tension in the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which is considered the most intractable in the Middle East.
• The current Israeli government is the product of a long-time rightward shift in the country’s politics, to the point where ultra-Orthodox Jews came to power, actively oppose the existence of any Palestinian state, and push for racist policies against Arabs in ministerial positions.
Ishan Tharoor is a foreign affairs writer for The Washington Post.